Evidence-Based Reviews

How to avoid ethnic bias when diagnosing schizophrenia

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References

Box 2

Major depressive episode with psychotic features: Characteristic symptoms

MAJOR DEPRESSIVE EPISODE

Five or more of the following symptoms present during the same 2-week period and representing a change from previous functioning; must include either depressed mood or loss of interest or pleasure.

  • Depressed mood
  • Markedly diminished interest or pleasure
  • Significant weight loss
  • Insomnia or hypersomnia
  • Psychomotor agitation or retardation
  • Fatigue
  • Feelings of worthlessness or excessive guilt
  • Diminished ability to concentrate

SEVERE MAJOR DEPRESSION WITH PSYCHOTIC FEATURES

Mood-congruent

Delusions or hallucinations whose content is entirely consistent with the typical depressive themes of personal inadequacy, guilt, disease, death, nihilism, or deserved punishment

Mood-incongruent

Delusions or hallucinations whose content does not involve typical depressive themes. Includes symptoms such as persecutory delusions, thought insertion, thought broadcasting, and delusions of control

Source: DSM-IV-TR

African-American patients also are more likely than whites to exhibit so-called Schneiderian first-rank symptoms of schizophrenia,15 including:

  • delusions of thought broadcasting or insertion
  • auditory hallucinations of voices conversing about the patient in the third person.

These symptoms were once used to diagnose schizophrenia, but their lack of specificity has been well documented.2,16 First-rank symptoms of schizophrenia depend on the specific form of the hallucination or delusion, are likely to be influenced by a patient’s culture, and may be misleading in multicultural populations. Though first-rank symptoms now occupy a minor role in U.S. diagnostic systems, they might continue to sway clinicians—even when using structured diagnostic interviews—to inappropriately diagnose schizophrenia in lieu of affective disorders in minority patients.15

To extend this finding, our group16 studied rates and severity of affective and psychotic symptoms—particularly first-rank symptoms—in 100 patients with psychotic mania who met DSM-III-R criteria for bipolar disorder (80%) or schizoaffective disorder, bipolar type (20%) as determined by structured diagnostic interview. No differences in affective symptoms between African-American and white patients were seen. African-Americans were more likely to endorse auditory hallucinations and to report severe auditory hallucinations of voices commenting on their behavior—the only first-rank symptom on which they differed from whites.

Though their affective symptoms were similar, African-Americans were significantly more likely than whites to have been diagnosed with a schizophrenia-spectrum disorder. Because misdiagnosis of African-Americans could not be explained by psychotic symptoms—which were as severe as those of white patients—these findings suggest other mechanisms were at work.

UNIDENTIFIED AFFECTIVE SYMPTOMS

Underidentification of mood disorders in African-American patients may also lead to over-diagnosis of schizophrenia. In a sample of 99 patients, colleagues and I17 compared clinical diagnoses made in a psychiatric emergency service with those by research investigators using a structured clinical interview. Reasons for diagnostic differences were identified and divided into two categories:

  • the same symptoms were recorded but applied differently to diagnostic criteria (criterion variance)
  • different information was recorded, which led to diagnostic discrepancies (information variance).

Differences occurred significantly more often in African-American than in white patients, but only information variance was associated with ethnicity. This suggests that clinicians are less likely to elicit appropriate information from African-American than from white psychiatric patients. The fact that researchers obtained this information during diagnostic interviews suggests that the patients could provide it when given appropriate prompts. Specifically, affective symptoms were less likely to be elicited by clinicians than by researchers.

PATIENT WARINESS

Minority patients, when interacting with clinicians of the majority population, may project “protective wariness.”18 Specific behaviors include hesitancy or reluctance to fully engage with the care provider as a precaution against being exploited or harmed. Cultural misunderstandings19 and patient concerns about past reports of minorities receiving substandard or unethical health care20 may contribute to this behavior.

Whaley21 compared nonpathologic distrust and paranoia in 404 community-living African-Americans and whites. Some were healthy, and some had diagnoses of schizophrenia or depression. African-Americans—particularly those with psychiatric disorders—showed higher levels of distrust than whites. Distrust was also associated with depression in African-Americans but not in whites. Whaley concluded that:

  • depressed African-Americans may exhibit more distrust toward clinicians than do whites
  • this distrust puts African-Americans at risk of being perceived as paranoid and being misdiagnosed with paranoid schizophrenia.

Table

Remedial actions to avoid ethnic bias in diagnosing schizophrenia

ProblemRemedies
Failure to recognize differences in symptom expressionBecome familiar with ethnic differences in how patients describe symptoms
Incorporate structured interviews or rating scales into the clinical assessment
Failure to elicit affective symptomsIncorporate structured interviews or rating scales into the clinical assessment
Maintain a high index of suspicion for affective symptoms (see Box 2)
Misinterpreted protective warinessClarify the patient’s degree of suspicion; consider this in the historical context of abuses toward minorities by majority populations
Become familiar with ethnic differences in how symptoms are described
Covert and overt stereotyping and cultural insensitivityReview practice patterns
Consult with culturally sensitive clinicians as necessary

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